پژوهشنامه رسانه بین الملل
سال هفتم شماره 1 (پیاپی 9، بهار و تابستان 1401)

The use of social networks in diplomatic affairs is one of the most common fields of linking diplomacy and technology, which is known as digital diplomacy. The purpose of this article is to study the comparative digital diplomacy of the United States and Great Britain (protectors of the liberal order), China and Russia (revisionists) and to find their points of commonality and difference. The theoretical framework of this research is constructivism and thematic analysis method was used to analyze the data. This research is applied in terms of orientation and descriptive in nature. The statistical population is the collection of published documents related to the digital diplomacy of the studied countries. The statistical sample consists of 20 scientific-research articles, 5 internet articles, 2 government documents and 1 published interview from 2010 to 2021, which were selected purposefully. The results show that confronting the hegemony of the United States, creating a cognitive distinction with the West, displaying an identity independent from the West, and digital authoritarianism are the four common identity components of "China and Russia" 's digital diplomacy. While the United States and the United Kingdom seek to promote the discourse of Internet freedom and supposedly liberal values. All four countries have technophile agents and use digital diplomacy to promote their discourse, weaken competitors and manage information space. China, United Kingdom and the United States have a suitable structure for accepting and applying technology.

By building dozens of dams on the international rivers of Tigris, Euphrates and Aras, Turkey's GAP and DAP projects confront the countries of Iraq, Syria, Iran, Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan with a multitude of environmental crises and economic, social and humanitarian challenges. The creation of micro dusts, the reduction of water rights of downstream countries, the loss of native aquatic species, the drying up of wetlands, desertification, the crisis of health agriculture, the aggravation of unemployment and migration are the consequences of GAP and DAP projects. Claiming that the Tigris, Euphrates and Aras water sources are part of the country's internal waters, Turkey is completing these projects despite the protests. The purpose of this article is to examine GAP and DAP from the perspective of international law and with the theoretical framework of "international environmental law" and "environmental human rights", especially the concept of "prohibition of harmful use of the environment" and by applying the descriptive and analytical method, in order to answer this question that, what are the dimensions of violation of international law in GAP and DAP? The findings show that the implementation of the GAP and DAP project contradicts the customary rules of international environmental law and the "Convention on the Law of Non-Navigational Uses of International Watercourses", the Ramsar Conventions and combating desertification, The Convention on Environmental Impact Assessment in a Transboundary Context (ESPOO), Aarhus and the Stockholm Declaration. Also, due to the violation of the "Right to Access to a Healthy Climate" and the destruction of cultural works, it severely violates the rules of international human rights and the cultural rights of minorities. The Iranian broad casting World Service Media can neutralize Ankara's media policy in censorship and reversing the consequences of these projects by explaining the dimensions of human rights and environmental rights violations in GAP and DAP projects, and at the same time, by creating sensitivity and demand in public opinion and environmental protection groups, they hinder the development of implementation and stop foreign investments in them.

With the expansion of communication technologies, the use of social networks, including Twitter, in line with the goals of diplomacy has been transformed. This has caused the formation of new types of diplomacy. "Twiplomacy" or Twitter diplomacy is one of these new types. The current study examines the United Arab Emirates' twiplomacy regarding the normalization of relations with the Israeli regime. The period under review is from August 13, 2020 to September 20, 2020, at the same time as the official announcement of the conciliation agreement between the UAE and the Israeli regime, known as the "Abraham" or "Ebrahim" agreement. The required data were collected from the Twitter platform and analyzed by thematic analysis method. The results of this analysis show that the UAE's bilateral diplomacy was basically based on 4 main axes, including the UAE's effort to introduce itself as the main supporter of peace and stability in the region, as well as the representation of the Abraham Pact as the UAE's effort to support the people of Palestine. The results of the research show that the United Arab Emirates diplomatic system is trying to legitimize its actions regarding the Palestinian issue by deceiving public opinion on Twitter. An issue that paves the way for the Zionist regime's ambitious actions in the region.

The International Criminal Court (ICC) is the most important international judicial body for the trial of international criminals. This court, which has been around for two decades, needs to use the mass media to be recognized by the international community and the people of the world. The role of the media in identifying the aforementioned court is a double-edged sword; Because, on the one hand, the proper functioning of the media can be effective in increasing the international legitimacy of this judicial body but on the other hand, the inappropriate performance of the media in the form of spreading false news about this court can destroy the achievements of this court, which is owed to decades of efforts to establish such a court. The purpose of this article is to examine the role of fake and false news published in the media on the performance of the ICC, emphasizing the Kenyan government's case in this court. In this article, the author tries to answer the question whether the media and the publication of fake information by them can affect the performance of the ICC and are there solutions to neutralize the role of the media that publishes fake news? The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and the method of collecting information is library-documentary. The findings of this research show that the publication of fake news by the media can have a negative effect on the performance of the ICC but if the court adopts an open and transparent media policy, it can neutralize the role of fake news on its performance and prevent its credibility in the eyes of international public opinion. Finally, suggestions have been made for the international media of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Since the early years of the Islamic Revolution, the United States has imposed unilateral sanctions against Iran despite the Treaty of Amity (1955). These sanctions have become wider and more severe with the passage of time, so that Iran is facing heavy sanctions in the current situation and this has greatly affected the export of oil and strategic non-oil items, money transfer, and even the import of food and medicine. Therefore, the present research, by using the descriptive-analytical method, while explaining the theoretical framework of sanctions and the responsibility of governments, has criticized and investigated the coercive approach of the United States in applying unilateral sanctions against Iran from the perspective of the Treaty of Amity (1955). The results of the research show that the repeated reference of the American and Iranian governments to the Treaty of Amity in various lawsuits between the two countries in the International Court of Justice (ICJ) means that the aforementioned treaty can be applied to the relations between the two countries until the official withdrawal of one of the parties from it. Therefore, the unilateral US sanctions are contrary to the aforementioned agreement based on friendly bilateral commercial and consular relations. In this regard, Iran's overseas media, in parallel with the continuation of the complaint against the United States in the court, can use their media capacities and talk with international law experts, while explaining the illegality of the sanctions against Iran, the violation of the United States' international obligations and it's responsibility in this regard to the public opinion of the world.

The media are necessary in the era of the global village and the regulator of international relations and law. The means of mass communication advance the policy of governments and introduce themselves as their means of entity. The media is called the outlet of freedom of expression and dissemination of information, and of course, the observer of human rights. However, it does not always express the norms and globalization based on international law to the extent that governments use the function of the media for their own benefit and in opposition to other societies. This technology sometimes becomes non-peaceful by invading the privacy of other subjects and endangers international peace and security. Based on this, the main question of the article is to what extent international law has been able to regularize the performance of the media in expressing and publishing hostile advertisements? Therefore, by using the descriptive-analytical method and induction from the rules of international law, the nature of political propaganda, which is not dissimilar to hostile propaganda, has been examined in the field of law and media practice. The field of action of the researcher has been the scope of the right of "freedom of expression and publication of information" taken from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and universal documents and its assumption in the working system of the media. The result of the research indicates the implicit prohibition of hostile propaganda in many international documents, but the misuse of the media by the governments in inciting or threatening belligerence and peaceful portrayal of conflicts is really evident. International law should regulate the media's functioning system because the media with extreme claims of freedom of speech can even cause hatred, violence and war-mongering or introduce any conflict as a humanitarian action by changing its nature.

Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Qatar are three active countries in the regional developments of West Asia. Following the beginning of the Syrian crisis in 2011, Doha-Ankara relations became closer day by day but Turkey-Saudi Arabia relations due to the closeness of Turkey-Qatar relations, Ankara's support for Doha, Riyadh's and Ankara's contrasting views on the Muslim Brotherhood and regional issues turned towards tension and conflict. The role of the media is important in the closeness of relations and interests, the reduction of tensions or the emergence of differences in the perceptions of Turkey, Qatar and Saudi Arabia. The main purpose of this article is to explain the factors affecting the relations between Turkey, Qatar and Saudi Arabia (2011-2020) using the theory of social constructivism with a reflection on the role of the media. In the frame of analytical-descriptive research method the main question is how to explain the foreign policy of Turkey, Qatar and Saudi Arabia (2011-2020) based on the theory of social constructivism with a look at the role of the media. Perceiving the importance and role of the media, Turkey and Qatar, are trying to neutralize the efforts of Saudi Arabia as their ideological rival and presenting themselves as models of progress in the region.

During Donald Trump’s presidency transatlantic relations faced with tensions and accompanied by many challenges. After becoming to power of Biden as US president in 2021, he took effective steps by his own initiatives and making new policy to restore transatlantic relations.A large part of the relations between two sides of Atlantic in this period also reflect efforts of Biden government which is welcomed by European countries. The main purpose of this article is to examine process of transatlantic convergence in Biden era, to explain its challenges and prospects. The theoretical framework used in this essay is neoclassical realism based on a qualitative study using descriptive-analytical approach. The findings show that in two first years of the Biden office, have been good progress in the fields of climate, defense and security, trade and technology, the issue of China and the JCPOA, transatlantic relations. In particular, Russia's aggression to Ukraine in February 2022 has created a strong convergence between two sides of the Atlantic, but despite of these improvement, there isn’t good prospects of relations between two sides of Atlantic based on series of systemic and internal factors such as: the 2024 US presidential election, challenge between US leadership and strategic independence, difference in way of dealing with China which is viewed with uncertainty and mistrust.

According to the analysts, Francis Fukuyama's "End of History" theory has been one of the theoretical foundations of US government policy in the last three decades and the orientation of US foreign policy was based on the premise that liberal democracy and market economy would be the model to be prescribed to get rid of problems. The main research question is what were the bases and examples of Fukuyama's criticism and objection to the neoconservatism in more than two decades and according to his changing views, what scenarios can be drawn for the future of US foreign policy? The purpose of the research is to explain the issue that according to Fukuyama's critical views and America's confrontation with Trumpism phenomenon, in which direction is the process of the American foreign policy going in a form other than the political-economic system of liberalism. The findings of the research based on the descriptive-analytical method show that the foreign policy of the United States, considering the upcoming challenges, including the fluid and complex international situation, as well as the occurrence of internal divisions in the United States, it will pursue its strategies in the form of a balanced combination of cooperation and competition and not be limited to pursuing the challenging values of liberal democracy. Fukuyama considers the difference in dealing with the media as a part of the differences in the polarized American society and the new communication technologies as an aggravation of the decline of American liberalism.

How to achieve political stability has its own complexities and difficulties, and these difficulties are more profound in societies with heterogeneous socio-political structures. Iraq, a country with ethnic-religious divisions and a heterogeneous social structure, is no exception to this rule. The purpose of this article is to explain the factors involved in political stability in Iraq in the post-Saddam period. The descriptive-analytical research method and the theory of "Democracy Based on Consensus" have been the theoretical basis of the research. The findings indicate that after the fall of Saddam Hussein, the infrastructure of consensus-based democracy including: The coalition between Kurds, Shiites and Sunnis through the continuation of parliamentary elections and free activity and peaceful coexistence, the non-partisan and tolerant role of Ayatollah Sistani, the consensus making role of the parliament, a balanced constitution based on democratic principles and a relative division of power between Kurds, Shiites and Sunnis was formed. These cases smoothed the path of the political stability in Iraq. After the defeat of ISIS, the relative power of the government was strengthened, but the dominance of tribal and tribalism culture, the weakness of civil culture, the intervention and role of regional and trans-regional actors, etc., led to a long and difficult path for the institutionalization of consensus-based democracy in Iraq.

Sanction has become as an inseparable part of foreign policy. The United States of America resorts to it as its own foreign policy means more than other countries do. This paper aims to explain various aspects of American instrumental use of sanctions against other countries. The main question of this article is that, what are different aspects of American use of sanctions as a means of foreign policy in international era? The hypothesis is that: Using its different potentials, US has illegally and politically tried to form international regime of sanctions and to convert it into an agent for governance in the international realm. The research method is analytic-descriptive. The findings show that the status of sanction in the American foreign policy has been shifted from deterrence means to an instrument for the change of opposing regimes as well as war. Considering the increase in the scope of US sanctions and the reduction of this country's position in the international system, creating a club of sanctioned countries can weaken the international regime of US sanctions and act as an obstacle in turning sanctions into a tool of US global governance. IRIB World Service media can be effective in bringing together the embargoed countries in order to create a "club of sanctioned countries" and harmonize the public opinion of the world and international institutions in this regard.